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A
heartfelt mazel tov to my sister, Shani Diner, her husband Rabbi Ari Diner, and
their entire family on the birth of a baby girl!!
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S.A.L.T. -
PARASHAT YITRO
By Rav
David Silverberg
Motzaei
Shabbat
The opening section of Parashat Yitro tells of the arrival of Yitro,
Moshe’s father-in-law, at the Israelite camp at Sinai from Midyan. Moshe tells Yitro about all of
Benei Yisrael’s travails and the
miracles God performed on their behalf.
The Torah describes Yitro’s response to this information with the
enigmatic word “va-yichad”
(18:9).
Rashi offers two different explanations for this term. First, he suggests that “va-yichad”
means “rejoice,” presumably associating this word with the familiar term “chedva” (exuberance). Rashi then cites the view of Shemuel,
recorded in the Gemara (Sanhedrin 94a), that “va-yichad” describes
Yitro’s distress upon hearing of the calamity visited upon the Egyptians. Shemuel associates this word with the
term “chidudin” (“prickles”), and thus explains that Yitro shuddered and
felt pained when he learned of what had happened to his former countrymen. (Shemuel appears to assume that Yitro
had formerly lived in Egypt, as indicated by the famous Midrashic account of
Yitro serving as an advisor to Pharaoh – Sanhedrin 106).
While it is common for Rashi to offer differing interpretations of a word
or verse, the contrast between his two approaches to the word “va-yichad”
is striking. Essentially, Rashi here
describes two opposite experiences – joy and horror. These aren’t simply two different
definitions of a word; they are two diametrically opposed theories regarding
Yitro’s reaction to the news of Egypt’s downfall.
In truth, it is quite possible that both interpretations are correct –
that Yitro experienced both joy and sorrow upon hearing of what happened to the
Egyptians. Intellectually, having
embraced monotheism and joined Benei Yisrael’s ranks, he rejoiced over the triumph of justice and the fall of the cruel
Egyptian empire. Emotionally,
however, he still felt attached to his native homeland. He had not yet reached the point of
complete emotional dissociation from Egypt.
Rav Asher Brander develops this possibility that Yitro simultaneously
experienced both elation and grief upon
hearing of Egypt’s downfall:
In that great
chasm between head and the heart lies the crux of the religious struggle. It is
one thing to know, quite another to feel and do. The battle of veyadata hayom
vahasheivosa el levavecha, knowing today and returning it to the heart,
requires bridging the longest eighteen inches known to man – the distance
between head and heart.
Rashi’s two
approaches are reconciled. Human beings are complex. Was Yisro happy with the
downfall of the Egyptians, the cradle of civilization and his old neighborhood?
Surely. He knew it was truth…
But, oh did
it hurt.
It is not
easy to hear the destruction of one’s personal cradle. The head and the heart
were in different places. That was Yisro’s psychological reality. Rashi’s first
approach speaks to Yisro’s head, the second to his heart.
Rashi’s two
explanations thus perhaps reflect the tension that all conscientious people
experience between the mind and the heart, between the intellect and the
emotions. Yitro resolved to leave
his pagan past and join Benei Yisrael, but he had yet to fully detach himself
emotionally. This ongoing struggle
expressed itself in his simultaneous, conflicting reactions to the news of
Egypt’s downfall.
Sunday
The fourth of the Ten Commandments which God proclaimed at Mount Sinai is
the command of Shabbat: “Zakhor et yom
ha-Shabbat le-kadesho” (“Remember the Shabbat day, to make it sacred” –
20:8). The Gemara in Masekhet
Pesachim (106a) points to this verse as the Biblical source of the obligation of
kiddush, to declare the sanctity of Shabbat over a cup of wine when Shabbat begins. Several
Rishonim accept the straightforward implication of the Gemara that reciting
kiddush over a cup of wine on Shabbat constitutes a Torah obligation. The Rambam (Hilkhot Shabbat 29:6),
however, maintained that the recitation of the text constitutes a Biblical
obligation, but the requirement to recite the text over a cup of wine was
enacted by the Sages. This is the
view accepted by many Acharonim.
The Sages also enacted an additional
kiddush recitation on Shabbat morning, which is
commonly referred to with the term “kiddusha rabba.”
The Rishonim appear to debate the issue of how closely this kiddush
relates to the Biblical obligation of
kiddush on the night of Shabbat. The Rambam (Hilkhot Shabbat 29:10)
rules that it is forbidden to eat on Shabbat morning before reciting kiddush,
just as one may not eat on Friday night after Shabbat begins until he recites
kiddush. The Ra’avad, however,
vehemently argues, going so far as to say that if the Rambam arrived at this
ruling based on his own reasoning (as opposed to a halakhic source), then “he
has never held a worse rationale than this in his life.” The Ra’avad notes that once a person
recited kiddush when Shabbat began on Friday night, then there is no
reason to forbid eating on Shabbat morning before reciting
kiddush. This is also the position taken by
Maharam Halawa in his commentary to Masekhet Pesachim (106a).
This debate likely reflects two different perspectives on the nature of
the Shabbat morning
kiddush (as developed
by Rav Yonason
Sacks. The Rambam, it appears,
understood the Shabbat morning kiddush as a “kiddush mi-de’Rabbanan,” a recitation which the Sages enacted
and modeled after the Friday night kiddush. They extended the Biblical obligation
to declare the sanctity of Shabbat when Shabbat begins to include a similar
ritual on Shabbat morning, as well.
For this reason, the detailed requirements relevant to the Shabbat morning
kiddush correspond to those that apply to the Biblical Friday night
kiddush. The Ra’avad, by contrast, likely
viewed the Shabbat morning kiddush as something entirely different. In his view, the Sages simply
required enhancing the meal on Shabbat day by including a cup of wine. The absence of a special
kiddush text at the Shabbat morning
kiddush (notwithstanding the common
custom to recite Shabbat-related verses) indicates that this obligation does not
constitute an actual “kiddush.”
The Sages required drinking a cup of wine, not “making
kiddush.” Hence, the laws that apply to
the Friday night kiddush do not apply on Shabbat morning.
These different perspectives may themselves stem from a more general
issue concerning the nature of the Torah obligation of
kiddush. The Rambam, in his discussion of this
mitzva, explains the kiddush declaration as a verbal
acknowledgment of the distinctiveness of this day. He writes that we recite
kiddush at the onset of Shabbat
and havdala at the end of Shabbat for the purpose of
announcing that the interim period is fundamentally distinct from the time
before and after it. This
perspective on kiddush allows for the possibility of extending the obligation to a
kiddush recitation on Shabbat morning. The Sages felt it appropriate to make
such a declaration even in the middle of Shabbat, in order to reinforce our
awareness of the special quality of this day.
The Ramban, however, in his commentary to Parashat Yitro (20:7), explains
that we recite kiddush when Shabbat begins in order to take part in the
actual consecration of this day.
Just as the Sanhedrin declares the jubilee year “sacred” through a formal
proclamation when it begins, similarly, we make the day of Shabbat sacred
through our kiddush declaration.
As Shabbat begins, we designate it as a holy day by announcing its status
of sanctity. According to this
perspective – and especially in light of the model of the yovel year,
which the Ramban mentions – it becomes more difficult to draw an association
between the nighttime and daytime kiddush recitations. The Biblical
kiddush on Friday night serves to
proclaim the subsequent period as a period of holiness, and there seems to be no
purpose served by making such a proclamation once Shabbat is well underway. According to this view, then, it
seems more likely that the Shabbat morning
kiddush is something much
different, simply an enhancement of the Shabbat experience, and not a rabbinic
extension of the Biblical kiddush.
According to the Rambam’s view, however, that the Friday night
kiddush serves as a verbal acknowledgment of the uniqueness of Shabbat, we can
entertain the possibility of extending this obligation to Shabbat morning, for
the purpose of reinforcing our awareness of this uniqueness.
Monday
The opening section of Parashat Yitro tells of the arrival of Yitro –
Moshe’s father-in-law – to the Israelite camp.
The first verse relates that Yitro was driven to join Benei Yisrael upon hearing
of the recent miraculous events that had transpired: “Yitro…heard all that God
did for Moshe and for His nation, Israel, that the Lord took Israel from Egypt.” Surprisingly, however, when Yitro
arrives, Moshe brings Yitro into his tent and then tells him of these miracles:
“Moshe told his father-in-law all that the Lord did to Pharaoh and to Egypt on
account of Israel…” (18:8). The
obvious question arises, why did Moshe describe to Yitro the events that he had
already heard? And why did Yitro not
interrupt Moshe and say, “Yes, my son-in-law, I’ve heard all about it – and this
is precisely why I am here!” Why did
Yitro sit and listen to Moshe describe the events of which he had heard and on
account of which he decided to come to Benei Yisrael?
One possible answer (as discussed by Rabbi Eli Mansour at
http://dailyhalacha.com/WeeklyParasha.asp?PageIndex=4&ParashaClipID=288) is that
Moshe related the events to Yitro from a different perspective, and with a
different point of focus. In
reference to Moshe’s conversation with Yitro, the Torah adds a clause that does
not appear in the parasha’s first verse which tells of the news that
Yitro had heard before his arrival: “…all the troubles that confronted them
along the way, and how God saved them.”
This phrase may perhaps shed light on the purpose of Moshe’s conversation
with Yitro after his arrival. Yitro
read the “headlines”; he heard the widely-circulated reports of the dramatic,
miraculous downfall of the Egyptian Empire, how a sea suddenly split to rescue
Benei Yisrael, how a slave nation defeated the well-trained forces of
Amalek, and how the two million homeless refugees traversed the arid desert of
Midbar Sin and survived. But Yitro had not
heard of the less rosy details of Benei Yisrael’s experiences. Nobody in Midyan reported about the
people’s charge against Moshe at the shores of the sea, “Is it because of the
lack of graves in Egypt that you took us to die in the wilderness?” (14:11) Yitro did not hear of those anxious
moments in Refidim when Moshe literally feared that the people would kill him
when they had no water (“od me’at u-skaluni” – 17:4). In short, the news of the miraculous
salvation spread throughout the region, but it is unlikely that anybody heard of
the numerous travails and complex crises that sprang up along the way.
In speaking with Yitro, Moshe wanted to ensure that his father-in-law did
not harbor any utopian illusions about being part of Am Yisrael. Certainly, God’s treasured nation
earns a special degree of divine assistance and protection. But we also have our share of “kol
ha-tela’a asher metza’atam ba-derekh,” difficult problems and dilemmas,
stressful moments, periods of uncertainty, situations of anxiety and fear.
If, indeed, this was the underlying purpose of Moshe’s conversation with
Yitro, then it conveys an important lesson relevant to education and outreach. Certainly, we believe and teach that
Torah life brings a person a sense of meaning, purpose and direction, as well as
a share in the collective blessings promised to
Am
Yisrael. But we must avoid giving misleading
and mistaken impressions about life as a Torah observant Jew.
Halacha
requires a
Beit Din to warn prospective converts about the hardships that accompany Jewish
life; they must ensure that a convert does not embark on this process with the
mistaken assumption that everything will be smooth and easy once he becomes a
Jew. Similarly, when we “market” the
Torah to our children or to those considering embracing a Torah lifestyle, we
must ensure to present an honest, realistic picture, to show the beauty and
meaningfulness of Torah life without harboring false, unrealistic expectations.
Tuesday
The Torah in Parashat Yitro tells of the event of
Ma’amad
Har Sinai
– God’s revelation to
Benei Yisrael
at Sinai – and the Ten Commandments which He pronounced to them during that
event. A brief glance at the text of
the Ten Commandments reveals that they are formulated in the singular form. This should not surprise us, as many
commands throughout the Torah are formulated in the singular form, despite the
fact that they quite obviously are directed toward all Benei Yisrael. Surprisingly, however, the Midrash,
in a famous passage (Shemot Rabba 43:5), tells that Moshe pointed to the
formulation of the Ten Commandments as a basis for excusing
Benei Yisrael for the sin of the golden calf. According to the Midrash, Moshe
pleaded to God, “Master of the world!
This is what You said at Sinai: ‘Anokhi Hashem Elokekha’ –
it does not say, ‘Elokeikhem’ [in the plural form]. Wasn’t it said [only] to me?”
The obvious question arises, did Moshe honestly believe that the command
of “I am the Lord your God,” which (according to the Rambam and others)
establishes the fundamental belief in God, was not given to the entire nation? For that matter, could he have really
thought that any of the Ten Commandments were not directed to all Am Yisrael? How did he try to absolve Benei
Yisrael of liability by advancing the claim that the Torah’s commands
applied only to him? If anything,
such a claim seemed only to reinforce God’s conclusion in response to the golden
calf, that the nation should be destroyed and a new nation should be formed from
Moshe (“ve-e’eseh otekha le-goi gadol” – Shemot 32:10). How might we understand the Midrash’s
comment?
Rav Chayim Yaakov Goldwicht zt”l (Yekara De-chayim, pp.
72-73) explained that the Midrash did not consider the commandments binding only
upon Moshe, but rather saw them as directed to the single, organic entity of
Kelal Yisrael. Rashi (to 19:2)
famously cites Chazal’s description of Benei Yisrael as encamping
at Sinai to receive the Torah “ke-ish echad be-leiv echad” – “as one
person with one heart.” The singular
formulation of the commandments reflected the melding of all members of the
nation into a single unit, that they were receiving God’s commands as one
person, unified in their shared desire to serve their Creator. Moshe’s claim was that this organic
entity of Kenesset Yisrael did not transgress during the incident
of the golden calf. The worshippers
of the calf separated themselves from this entity, and this is what enabled them
to sin. The command of “Anokhi Hashem Elokekha” was given to the “ish echad” which was embodied and represented by Moshe himself – and this “person”
did not sin. The sin was committed
by members who detached themselves from this “ish echad,” but not by the “ish echad.”
Rav Goldwicht cited in this context the Gemara’s comment in Masekhet
Sanhedrin (63a) that Benei Yisrael at the time of the golden calf
actually sought to worship many gods.
What this means, Rav Goldwicht explained, is that the violators were not
unified even among themselves – each had a different intent in fashioning and
worshipping the calf. This
underscores the fact that Benei Yisrael committed this act as individuals, not as part of a single, organic group. They acted as representatives of only
themselves, and not as members of
Kenesset Yisrael. The essence of
Am Yisrael thus remained spiritually intact.
This is the meaning of Moshe’s defense.
Rav Goldwicht compared Moshe’s argument to the distinction between a man
who angrily destroys his home, and a man who angrily leaves his home. The former has nowhere to return even
if he experiences a change of heart, whereas the latter can still restore his
family life by returning to his home and starting anew. Moshe claimed that through the
worship of the calf, Benei Yisrael abandoned the house, but did not tear
it down. In a moment of confusion
and desperation, they temporarily dissociated themselves from the entity that
stood at Sinai and heard, “Anokhi Hashem
Elokekha.” That entity of
Kelal Yisrael remains intact, and
through the process of teshuva, the
former members of that entity can once again become current members. Teshuva (literally, “return”)
means returning not only to God, but to Kelal Yisrael, to the abstract,
eternal entity that is forever bound to its roots at Mount
Sinai. We return to the
Almighty by returning to our nation, by identifying fully with the descendants
of Avraham, Yitzchak and Yaakov, by becoming part of that “ish echad”
that stood at Sinai and declared his unwavering allegiance to the Almighty.
Wednesday
Toward the end of Masekhet Berakhot (63), the Gemara records the series
of brief speeches that were delivered by several sages on the occasion of the
establishment of the yeshiva in Yavneh.
Rabbi Nechemya, in his address, discussed a verse from Sefer Shemuel I
(15:6) regarding the Keni tribe, which is commonly identified as the descendants
of Yitro. Before launching his
military strike against the Amalekites, King Shaul sent a message to the
Kenites, who lived among or near Amalek, warning them of the impending attack
and urging them to leave. In his
message to the Keni, Shaul explained why he and
Benei Yisrael wanted to spare them: “you performed
kindness for all the Israelites when they left Egypt.”
Rabbi Nechemya commented, “If this [is the reward for] Yitro, who brought
Moshe near only for his own honor, then all the more so [this is true of] one
who hosts a Torah scholar in his home, gives him food and drink, and shares his
possessions with him.” Yitro’s
kindness toward Moshe earned immense reward that saved the lives of his
descendants, and Rabbi Nechemya pointed to this reward as an indication of the
great value of offering financial assistance to scholars so they can devote
themselves to Torah learning.
To what act of kindness did Shaul refer when he spoke of the kindness the
Kenites’ progenitor performed “for all the Israelites”?
Rashi, in his commentary to the Gemara, explains this reference by citing
a verse from Parashat Yitro, where the Torah describes Yitro’s arrival at the
Israelite camp at Mount Sinai: “Moshe, Aharon and all the elders of Israel came
to eat with Moshe’s father-in-law before God” (18:12).
The implication of Rashi’s comments is that Yitro hosted the feast, and
Moshe, Aharon and the elders came as his guests, and this is the act of kindness
to which Shaul referred. As the
Maharsha notes, however, the narrative appears to indicate that to the contrary,
Yitro was the guest of Benei Yisrael, and the
nation’s leaders hosted him. Indeed,
Rashi, in his commentary to the aforementioned verse, writes (based on the
Mekhilta) that Moshe stood and served the meal
while Yitro sat and enjoyed. This
certainly suggests that Moshe and Aharon – as the nation’s representatives –
hosted Yitro. This episode, then,
cannot be the act of kindness to which Shaul referred in his message to the
Kenites. The Maharsha therefore
claims that Shaul referred not to Yitro’s arrival at Sinai, but rather to
Moshe’s arrival at Midyan, many years earlier, when he was forced to flee from Egypt.
Yitro graciously invited and welcomed Moshe – a penniless fugitive – into
his home, gave him his daughter’s hand in marriage, and employed him as a
shepherd (2:20-3:1). It was this
display of kindness for which Yitro was rewarded through Shaul’s sensitivity to
his descendants prior to the assault on Amalek.
Later commentators challenged the Maharsha’s interpretation, noting that
Shaul spoke of the kindness that was performed “to all the Israelites,” and not
specifically to Moshe. The Maharsha
addressed this question, and suggested that as Moshe ultimately emerged as the
savior of
Benei Yisrael, Yitro’s
kindness toward Moshe effectively amounted to kindness toward the entire nation. It should be noted, however, that
Shaul described the kindness as having been performed “ba-alotam mi-Mitzrayim” – when
Benei Yisrael left Egypt,
whereas Yitro’s kindness to Moshe was performed earlier, when Moshe was in
Midyan.
Rav Soloveitchik (as cited in Rav Herschel Schachter’s
Nefesh
Ha-Rav,
pp. 284-5) defended Rashi’s approach to explaining the Gemara’s comment. He noted that the feast that Yitro
attended together with the leaders of Benei Yisrael involved the offering of sacrifices:
“Yitro, Moshe’s father-in-law, brought a burnt-offering and zevachim to God, and Moshe, Aharon, and all the
elders of Israel
came to eat…” The term “zevach”
generally denotes a
shelamim sacrifice, which is unique in that the individual offering sacrifices
receives rights to the majority of the sacrificial meat. Yitro brought shelamim
sacrifices, and invited the leaders of Benei Yisrael to join in his sacrificial feast as the
nation’s representatives. While it
is true that Moshe served the meal, Rav Soloveitchik explained that this was
done to demonstrate that God – as represented by Moshe – is always the true
“host” of any celebration. But the
food was supplied by Yitro, in the form of sacrificial offerings, and he invited
Moshe, Aharon and the other leaders to partake of his feast. This, indeed, was an act of kindness
for which Yitro and his descendants were rewarded.
Thursday
Yesterday, we noted the verse in Parashat Yitro that briefly describes
the feast that was held when Yitro, Moshe’s father-in-law, arrived at the
Israelite camp: “Yitro, Moshe’s father-in-law, took a burnt offering and feast
offerings for God, and Moshe, Aharon, and all the elders of Israel came to eat
together with Moshe’s father-in-law before God” (18:12).
The Gemara, toward the end of Masekhet Berakhot (64a), derives from this
verse the principle that “whoever enjoys a meal where a Torah scholar is present
is as though he enjoys the radiance of the
Shekhina.” The verse speaks of the participants
of the feast eating “before God,” even though there was no outward revelation of
the divine presence at this occasion.
The Gemara therefore concludes that since the people ate in the presence
of Moshe, they are considered to have eaten in the presence of the Almighty,
thus establishing that one who participates in a meal where a Torah scholar is
present is considered as basking in “the radiance of the Shekhina.”
This comment, of course, raises several questions, most obviously, and
perhaps most importantly, what exactly it means to be considered as “enjoying
the radiance of the Shekhina.”
Moreover, why should a person receive such credit simply because he takes
part in a meal together with a Torah scholar?
Rav Soloveitchik (as cited in Rav Herschel Schachter’s
Nefesh Ha-Rav, p. 285) suggested that the explanation of the Gemara’s comment can be
found in its formulation in describing one who takes part in a meal with a Torah
scholar: “ha-neheneh mi-se’uda
she-talmid chakham sharui be-tokho.” The Gemara speaks of a meal
where a Torah scholar is “sharui,” a term which implies something
stronger than mere presence. Rav
Soloveitchik claimed that this word relates to the term “mishrat anavim” (Bamidbar 6:3),
which the Gemara (Pesachim 43b and elsewhere) explains as referring to food that
was soaked in, and has thus absorbed, wine.
An event in which a Torah scholar is “sharui” is one which “absorbs” his presence.
The Gemara speaks of an event that revolves around the
talmid chakham such that all the participants are affected and impacted by his presence.
Chazal equated such
an experience with that of “neheneh mi-ziv ha-Shekhina,” basking in the
radiance of the divine presence. One
stands in God’s presence not by withdrawing from earthly pursuits, but rather by
infusing those pursuits with spiritual meaning.
The Gemara here specifically pointed to a feast as the context where one
can aspire to experience “ziv ha-Shekhina.” Through the observance of Halakha
and conducting oneself according to the values and goals of the Torah while
engaging in an otherwise mundane activity such as eating, a person lives in the
presence of the Shekhina.
Godliness is not reserved for the intrinsically spiritual spheres of life; quite
to the contrary, it means lending a spiritual, sacred quality to everything one
does, and bringing the Shekhina
into his or her every area of engagement.
Friday
The fourth of the Ten Commandments is the
mitzva
to “remember the day of Shabbat,” which
Chazal
(Pesachim 106a and elsewhere) cite as the Biblical source for the obligation of
kiddush. The Rambam, in Hilkhot Shabbat
(chapter 29), famously rules that the Biblical obligation requires simply making
a verbal declaration about the sanctity and singularity of Shabbat. The requirement to make this
declaration over a cup of wine, according to the Rambam, was enacted by
Chazal and is not
included in the Torah obligation of kiddush.
The
Magen Avraham (271:1), in one of the more famous passages in his work, concludes on the
basis of the Rambam’s position that one essentially fulfills the Torah
obligation of
kiddush
by reciting the
arvit prayer on
Friday night. In this prayer we
speak about the uniqueness and designation of Shabbat, thereby satisfying the
Biblical requirement of a verbal declaration.
By the time one arrives home for kiddush, he bears only the
additional, rabbinically-mandated obligation to make a verbal declaration over a
cup of wine. On this basis, the
Magen Avraham sought to explain the ruling cited in the name of Rabbenu Tam that a person
who does not have wine does not recite kiddush. Why, the
Magen Avraham asked, should a person not recite the
kiddush text to fulfill the
Biblical obligation, even if he is unable to fulfill the rabbinic requirement to
recite kiddush over a cup of wine? Evidently, since the Biblical
obligation is satisfied with the recitation of
arvit, there is nothing gained by reciting
kiddush if one does not have wine.
Rabbi Akiva Eiger (in his
chiddushim to the Shulchan Arukh) draws proof to
the Magen Avraham’s theory from the fact that
Halakha does not require reciting
kiddush when Shabbat falls on Yom Kippur.
According to the Rambam’s view, that the Biblical requirement entails
only a verbal declaration, and not a cup of wine, the observance of a fast
should not affect the Torah obligation of kiddush in any way. Even if we cannot drink wine on Yom
Kippur, there should be no reason not to recite kiddush. The fact that
Halakha does not require reciting
kiddush on Friday night in such a
case might prove that this obligation is fulfilled through the arvit
service, in which we mention Shabbat and thus satisfy the Biblical requirement
of kiddush, as the Magen Avraham asserted.
The
Minchat
Chinukh (31:5),
however, among other later writers, questioned the Magen Avraham’s ruling
in light of the Gemara’s comment in Masekhet Pesachim (117b) that one must make
mention of the Exodus in the kiddush recitation. The Gemara establishes this
requirement on the basis of a gezeira shava (an association implied by a shared
word). The Torah uses the word “zakhor” (“remember”) in reference to the
mitzva of kiddush, and the related term “tizkor” appears in the context of the Exodus (Devarim 16:3), alluding to the fact
that one must remember – or, more accurately, make mention of – the Exodus as
part of kiddush.
Now the amida prayer on Friday night indeed speaks
about Shabbat, but it makes no mention of the Exodus. How, then, could the Magen Avraham
claim that one fulfills the Torah obligation of kiddush through the
recitation of arvit, if no mention is
made of the Exodus in that prayer?
(It should be noted that the text of the Friday night
amida prayer recorded in the
Kolbo actually includes mention of the Exodus,
but this is not the commonly accepted text.)
On the basis of this objection, the
Mitzpeh Eitan (Berakhot 51b) and others rejected the
Magen Avraham’s ruling, and
concluded that one does not, in fact, fulfill the Biblical requirement of
kiddush by reciting the Friday night
arvit prayer. The
Mitzpeh Eitan sought to thereby resolve the famous
question of how a husband can recite kiddush on Friday night on
behalf of his wife, if she had not recited arvit and therefore has yet to
fulfill the Torah requirement of kiddush.
If the husband is required to recite kiddush only on the level of rabbinic enactment,
as he has fulfilled the Torah obligation through
arvit, then, seemingly, he
cannot recite kiddush for his wife, who is obligated on the
higher level of Torah law. This
question immediately vanishes once we reject the assumption that one fulfills
the Torah obligation of kiddush by reciting arvit.
Others, however, defend the Magen Avraham’s ruling. One theory (cited in the name
of the work Minchat Pitim) is that we do, in fact, mention the Exodus during the
arvit prayer – before the amida, in the final verse of shema and in
the section immediately following
shema. Although this mention
of the Exodus is not in the immediate context of the discussion of Shabbat in
the amida prayer, the two
sections of the service are recited in close enough proximity to satisfy the
requirement of mentioning the Exodus in the context of kiddush. Thus, one indeed fulfills the Torah
obligation of declaring the sanctity of Shabbat – and mentioning the Exodus –
through the recitation of the arvit
service.
Another possible answer (suggested by the
Binyan Shelomo, 21, and others) is that the Biblical
obligation of kiddush does not
require mentioning the Exodus.
Although the Gemara cites a Biblical source for the requirement to mention the
Exodus, it possibly referred to an asmakhta – an allusion in the Torah to a law enacted by
Chazal. Therefore, the Magen
Avraham is indeed correct in asserting that one fulfills the Torah
obligation of kiddush by
reciting arvit, since mentioning the Exodus is not included in the Torah
obligation.
(Based on Rav Chayim Shlomo Abraham’s Devar Torah, Parashat
Yitro)
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