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S.A.L.T. –
PARASHAT TETZAVEH
By Rav
David Silverberg
Motzaei
Shabbat
The Torah in Parashat Tetzaveh describes the various garments worn by the
kohen gadol, including the
choshen (breastplate),
which was fastened to the efod
(apron). The Gemara in Masekhet Yoma
(72a) establishes that one who detaches the
choshen from the
efod transgresses a Torah
prohibition. When the Torah writes,
“and the choshen shall not come loose from the
efod,” it does not simply describe the manner in which the garments shall be
arranged, but rather introduces a prohibition against detaching them from one
another. This prohibition is
referred to as “lo yizach.”
The Rambam codifies this halakha in his Hilkhot
Kelei Ha-mikdash (9:10), where he writes that whoever detaches the
choshen from the efod “derekh kilkul” – in a destructive
manner – transgresses this Torah violation.
According to the Rambam, this prohibition applies only to a destructive
act; one who separates the two garments without ruining either one, it appears,
has not violated this prohibition.
The Sefer Ha-chinukh appeared to have understood this prohibition
differently. In mitzva 100,
the Chinukh describes the law of “lo
yizach,” and makes no mention of a condition that the act be done in a
destructive manner. Interestingly,
however, the Chinukh adds a condition that the Rambam does not mention, namely, that the act
must be done during the avoda,
as the kohen gadol performs the
ritual service in the Temple. It thus emerges that according to the
Rambam, one transgresses “lo yizach” only by separating the two garments in
a destructive manner, but at any time, whereas according to the Chinukh,
one violates this prohibition by separating the garments in any manner, but only
during the performance of the avoda.
Rav Binyamin Sorotzkin, in his Nachalat Binyamin (Telzstone,
5759), notes that these two issues closely relate to one another. It seems that the Rambam and the
Chinukh viewed the nature of this prohibition from two very different perspectives. The Rambam understood “lo yizach”
as a law relevant to the maintenance of these two objects. The Torah requires fashioning the
bigdei kehuna in a certain manner, and forbids ruining them. Thus, just as it is forbidden to tear
one of the priestly garments (“lo yikarei’a” – 28:32; see Yoma 72a),
similarly, it is forbidden to ruin the attachment of the choshen to the
efod. According to the Rambam, “lo yizach” is a law relevant to the proper
treatment of the bigdei kehuna, which must be handled respectfully and
properly maintained. As such, this
prohibition is limited to a destructive act, and it applies anytime.
The
Chinukh,
on the other hand, understood “lo yizach”
as relating to the manner in which the
bigdei kehuna are worn. The issue at stake is not the respect
for the garments per se, but rather the proper manner of wearing them. The Torah demands that the choshen
be worn directly and firmly on the kohen gadol’s chest as he performs the
avoda, and thus forbids separating it from the
efod.
Hence, this prohibition is violated regardless of whether one ruins the
garments in the process of separating them, since the result is that the
choshen is worn improperly. And,
“lo yizach” applies only as the kohen
gadol performs avoda, when he is required to wear his special
vestments in the prescribed manner, with the breastplate firmly attached to the
chest.
Rav Sorotzkin adds that these different perspectives yield different
conclusions regarding another issue, as well.
The choshen was attached to the
efod both on top and on the
bottom. There were two chains that
connected the two top edges of the choshen to the shoulder straps of the
efod (28:22-25), as well as a string (made of
tekhelet) that bound the two
lower edges to the belt of the efod (28:28).
The question thus arises as to whether one violates the prohibition of “lo
yizach” by detaching the upper edges of the choshen from the efod, or even if
he detaches only the lower edges of the
choshen. In the second instance, where one
detaches the lower edges of the
choshen from the belt of the efod,
the two garments are still attached to one another, but the choshen will
dangle and swing to and from the kohen gadol’s chest. In such a case, the garments are
still generally intact and in their proper form, but the choshen is not
worn in the manner prescribed by the Torah, as it is not held firmly in place on
the kohen gadol’s chest. It stands to reason that according to
the Chinukh, who viewed this prohibition in the context of the proper manner of wearing
the choshen, one would violate “lo yizach” even if he detaches
only the bottom edges of the choshen, as it is then not worn
properly. This is the position taken
by the Sefer Yerei’im (317).
The Rambam, however, in his presentation of this
halakha,
speaks of “lo yizach” in the
particular context of the chains that connected the upper edges of the
choshen to the shoulder straps of the efod. This might suggest that he restricted
the prohibition to a case where one detaches the top of the choshen, such
that it falls down and is not in position at all.
Consistent with his perspective on the nature of “lo yizach,” the
Rambam maintained that one violates this prohibition only if he ruins the
garments. If one detaches the bottom
of the efod from the choshen, then although the choshen will then dangle, he has not ruined the
basic formation of these two garments.
It is only by detaching the
choshen from the top, such that it falls downward on the
efod, that one ruins these garments
and violates “lo yizach.”
Sunday
Many commentators noted the obvious peculiarity in the sequence in which
God presented the commands concerning the
Mishkan and its furnishings.
Generally speaking, these commands follow a clear and rational sequence,
beginning with the most sacred article – the aron – and then proceeding
to the shulchan and menorah, the furnishings situated in the less
sacred of the two chambers of the Mishkan. We then find the commands regarding
the structure of the Mishkan, followed by the courtyard around it.
What is missing from this presentation is the
mizbach ha-ketoret (also known as the
mizbach ha-zahav), the incense altar, which was situated inside the Mishkan
together with the menorah and the shulchan. Surprisingly, the Torah does
not mention the mizbach ha-ketoret until the end of Parashat Tetzaveh,
after its discussion of the bigdei kehuna (priestly garments) and the
milu’im ceremony whereby the
kohanim were consecrated. Rather
than include the mizbach ha-ketoret together with the other furnishings
of the Mishkan, the Torah omits this altar from its discussion of the
Mishkan, and seems to add it as an afterthought, of sorts, as a parenthetical note
that it, too, must be constructed as part of the building of the Mishkan.
The omission of the
mizbach
ha-ketoret
from the basic discussion of the Mishkan led some to believe that this
altar served a peripheral purpose in the
Mishkan, and it is
therefore not considered integral to the Mishkan as are the other
furnishings. For this reason, the
Torah added the mizbach ha-ketoret after concluding the basic discussion
of the Mishkan and the kohanim,
rather than mentioning it along with the other features of the Mishkan.
Rav Asher Zelig Weiss, in his
Minchat Asher,
develops this conclusion in light of a passage in the Rambam’s
Sefer
Ha-mitzvot. In mitzvat asei 20, the Rambam
lists as one of the Torah’s 248 commands the obligation to build a Beit
Ha-mikdash, and he claims that this obligation includes the various
furnishings of the Mikdash.
This is in contrast to the view of the Ramban (in his critique to Sefer
Ha-mitzvot – asei 33), who held that the obligation to build a
Mikdash refers only to the building. The furnishings are required not by
force of this Biblical command, but rather to facilitate the rituals which the
Torah obligates us to perform in the Mikdash. In any event, according to the
Rambam’s view, the obligation to build a
Mikdash requires as well constructing the various furnishings of the
Mikdash. Rav Weiss notes,
however, that in this context the Rambam lists the various furnishings – but
uses the term “ha-mizbei’ach” (“the altar”), in the singular form. Even though there were two altars in
the Mishkan and
Beit Ha-mikdash, the Rambam appears to indicate that only one of the two altars is included
in the mitzva to build a Mikdash.
Rav Weiss proposed that the Rambam refers specifically to the
mizbach ha-ola, the altar upon which sacrifices were offered, and not the
mizbach ha-ketoret.
In light of the placement in the Torah of the section dealing with the
mizbach ha-ketoret, the Rambam concluded that it is not
integral to the Mikdash.
Therefore, although the command to build a
Mikdash includes the command to
build the furnishings, it does not include the command to build the
mizbach ha-ketoret, which is not essential to the
Mikdash.
Rav Weiss adds a possible practical ramification of this distinction
between the mizbach ha-zahav and the other Temple furnishings. He cites a comment of the Ra’avad
claiming that it is forbidden to move one of the furnishings of the
Temple
from its designated location. It
seems that in the Ra’avad’s view, moving one of the furnishings undermines the
structure of the Mikdash required by force of the mitzva to build a Temple. But if we assume that the
mizbach ha-ketoret is not integral to the structure of the
Mikdash, then it would not be included in this prohibition. It would be permissible to move the
mizbach ha-ketoret from its designated spot in the
Temple, as this does not affect the basic structure of the
Temple, since this altar is not deemed an integral
feature of the building.
Monday
The Torah in Parashat Tetzaveh commands Benei Yisrael to make
special garments for the kohanim “le-khavod u-le’tif’aret” (“for
honor and glory” – 28:2). The
Ramban, commenting on this phrase, suggests the Torah here perhaps introduces
the condition of “lishmah” – making the priestly vestments with the
specific intention that they will be used for this purpose. By instructing that the clothes be
made “for honor and glory,” the Torah indicates that this must be the intention
of the artisans as they prepare the vestments.
Later writers noted that the Rambam appears to have disagreed with this
theory proposed by the Ramban.
Nowhere throughout his discussion of the priestly vestments in Hilkhot Kelei
Ha-mikdash does the Rambam make any mention of such a condition, that the
garments must be made “lishmah,” especially for the
purpose of serving as bigdei kehuna (the garments of the
kohanim). This is in contrast to the
furnishings of the Mikdash, regarding which the Rambam explicitly
codifies the requirement of “lishmah” (Hilkhot Beit Ha-bechira 20). Apparently, the Rambam distinguished
between the Temple
furnishings and the priestly vestments, applying the requirement of “lishmah” with regard to the former, but not the
latter.
Rav Asher Zelig Weiss, in his
Minchat Asher, noted that
this debate between the Rambam and the Ramban likely reflects a more general
question concerning the formal halakhic classification of the bigdei kehuna. Namely, are they considered kelei
shareit – sacred articles of the Temple, similar to the altars, the
menorah and their accessories, for example, or do the bigdei kehuna
comprise their own category, and are thus not subject to the same rules that
apply to the Temple furnishings? The
Rambam, by distinguishing between the bigdei kehuna and the
Temple
furnishings with respect to “lishmah,” apparently felt that the priestly
garments do not belong to the same halakhic category as the
Temple furnishings.
Indeed, as Rav Weiss notes, the Rambam discusses the laws of the
Temple
furnishings in Hilkhot Beit Ha-bechira, whereas the laws relevant to the
bigdei kehuna are presented in the next section, in Hilkhot Kelei
Ha-mikdash. This arrangement is,
quite likely, a function of the Rambam’s perspective on the bigdei kehuna,
as a category that stands separate and apart from the category of kelei
shareit.
The Ramban, however, who suggests applying the provision of “lishmah”
to the priestly garments, may have ascribed to bigdei kehuna the formal status of
kelei shareit – a view advanced by Tosafot in a number
of contexts. In Masekhet Kiddushin
(54a), Tosafot write that if somebody misuses one of the priestly garments for
his own purposes, it nevertheless retains its status of halakhic sanctity. Whereas generally
me’ila (misusing sacred
property) results in the loss of the item’s status of sanctity, the
kelei shareit retain this status even after misuse.
Tosafot comment that bigdei
kehuna are included in the category
of kelei shareit, and their
status is therefore unaffected by me’ila. The Ritva, in his commentary
to Masekhet Kiddushin, disagrees, claiming that bigdei kehuna lose their
status of sanctity when they are misused, like ordinary objects of
hekdesh (belonging to the Temple
treasury), and do not fall under the exceptional category of
kelei shareit.
Tosafot express this view also in Masekhet Zevachim (24a), in discussing
the Gemara’s comment that
Halakha forbids a
chatzitza (interruption) with regard to
kelei shareit.
Rashi explains this to mean that when a kohen collects the blood
from the neck of a sacrificial animal after slaughtering, his hands must come in
direct contact with the pail.
Tosafot, however, explain differently, claiming that the Gemara refers to the
bigdei kehuna, which must be worn directly on the kohen’s
skin. Revealingly, Tosafot
interpreted the term “kelei shareit” in the Gemara as a reference to the
bigdei kehuna, likely expressing the view that bigdei kehuna have the same
status as the sacred articles and utensils of the Mikdash. It stands to reason that Tosafot
would subscribe to the Ramban’s theory that the bigdei kehuna must be
manufactured “lishmah,” just like the sacred furnishings of the Temple.
Tuesday
The Torah in Parashat Tetzaveh describes the bigdei kehuna, the
special garments worn by the kohanim and the kohen gadol. The garments of the kohen gadol
included the choshen (breastplate), in which the Torah commands placing
the Urim Ve-tumim (28:30), a kind of oracle that the kohen gadol would consult for guidance on certain
matters. It is commonly assumed that
the Urim Ve-tumim was consulted
only on matters of general national concern, such as whether or not to go to
war. Surprisingly, however,
Targum Yonatan Ben Uziel (to 28:15) writes that the
Urim Ve-tumim was consulted also in situations where a
Bet Din could not reach a
definitive ruling.
Targum Yonatan points to this service of the Urim Ve-tumim as one of the
reasons why the Torah refers to the kohen gadol’s breastplate as the “choshen ha-mishpat” (“breastplate of
justice” – 28:15), as it clarified difficult legal questions.
Several writers (including Rav Moshe Sternbuch, in his Ta’am Ve-da’at,
and Rav Shammai Ginsburg, in his Imrei Shammai), raised the question of
how judges could consult with the Urim Ve-tumim for guidance regarding
legal questions. The famous
principle of “lo va-shamayim hi” establishes
that Torah matters are to be decided based on scholarly analysis, in accordance
with Torah principles, and not through prophetic or quasi prophetic media. Seemingly, just as a prophet may not
rule on halakhic matters on the basis of prophetic revelation, similarly, it
would be forbidden to enlist the services of the Urim Ve-tumim to
receive a “heavenly” response to halakhic questions. The basis for deciding Torah law is
the Torah that has been revealed to us, not any “heavenly” source. It therefore seems reasonable to
assume that the Urim Ve-tumim was accessed only for matters that did not
involve Torah law, such as the prospects of success in a military or diplomatic
campaign. Yet, Targum Yonatan writes that the Urim Ve-tumim
was used even for guidance in resolving judicial matters.
In fact, as a number of scholars noted, the Gemara appears to explicitly
reject the possibility of consulting the Urim Ve-tumim for halakhic
guidance. In Masekhet Eiruvin (45a),
the Gemara discusses the incident told in Sefer Shemuel I (23) where the
Pelishtim ransacked the granaries of the region of Ke’ila, threatening the residents’
food supply. David, who was then
fleeing from King Shaul, consulted with the Urim Ve-tumim as to
whether he and his men should go and wage war against the Pelishtim in
Ke’ila. The Gemara briefly
entertains the possibility that this was a halakhic question, as to whether
David and his men were permitted to wage his battle against the Pelishtim
on Shabbat. But the Gemara then
immediately dismisses such a possibility, noting, “The
Bet Din of Shemuel the Ramatite was available!” The Gemara proceeds to explain that
David inquired as to whether a military campaign against the Pelishtim
would succeed, and did not pose a halakhic query.
Rashi interprets the Gemara’s comment to mean that matters of halakhic
permissibility are not resolved through consultation with the Urim Ve-tumim,
and should rather be brought to competent halakhic experts. The Gemara’s comment thus appears to
run in direct opposition to the claim of Targum Yonatan that legal matters were resolved through the Urim Ve-tumim.
Rav Yosef Chayim Sofer (Rosh Yeshiva of Yeshivat Kaf Ha’chayim in
Jerusalem), in an article printed in the journal
Bikurei Yosef (5757), discusses this
topic at length, and defends the position of Targum Yonatan. He claims that prophetic media – such
as the Urim Ve-tumim – may be used for halakhic guidance in the absence
of a reasonable alternative. Rav
Sofer notes that in the Gemara’s discussion of the incident of Ke’ila, the
Gemara does not actually state that the Urim Ve-tumim may not be used for
halakhic guidance. Rather, it said
only that Shemuel and his Bet Din were available – implying that
consulting with the Urim Ve-tumim in this case would have been forbidden
only because there was an alternative source of guidance. But under circumstances where
competent halakhic guidance is unavailable, it would be appropriate to bring the
query to the Urim Ve-tumim
oracle. Thus, the Targum Yonatan
may indeed be correct that the Urim Ve-tumim was used to resolve
difficult legal questions which the Bet
Din was incapable of deciding. In
such situations, when the issue at hand could not be resolved through the
ordinary method of scholarly deliberation and analysis, the Urim Ve-tumim
was available as a valid and authoritative source of guidance.
Wednesday
Yesterday we discussed the Urim
Ve-tumim, the oracle worn as part of the choshen, the breastplate of the
kohen gadol, and which the nation’s leaders would
consult to receive God’s response to various queries. We noted the comment of
Targum Yonatan ben Uziel in Parashat Tetzaveh (28:15) that the
Urim Ve-tumim was consulted even in situations where a
Bet Din was unable to reach a
definitive legal decision. This
comment gives rise to the question of whether prophetic or quasi prophetic means
may be employed in the process of reaching halakhic/legal decisions. We cited a number of writers who
claimed that, at least according to
Targum Yonatan, such means are valid if there is no
possibility of reaching a decision through the standard method of scholarly
analysis. Although we generally
follow the rule of “lo va-shamayim
hi,” which means that Torah
decisions are to be made through the principles revealed to us in the Torah, and
not on the basis of “heavenly” or prophetic means, such means are valid in the
absence of an adequate alternative.
Rav Yaakov Chayim Sofer of
Jerusalem, in his article on this subject in the journal
Bikurei
Yosef
(5757), cites several other sources indicating that the
Urim
Ve-tumim
was, or could be, used to resolve halakhic questions. In Masekhet Eiruvin (63a), the Gemara
asserts that Elazar, who served as
kohen gadol after the
passing of his father, Aharon, was punished for giving halakhic instruction in
the presence of Moshe Rabbenu. After
the battle against Midyan, Elazar spoke to the soldiers about the procedures
that were required before the food utensils seized from Midyan could be used
(Bamidbar 31:21-24). The Gemara
comments that Elazar acted wrongly by delivering this discourse in the presence
of Moshe, his teacher. Even though
Elazar attributed this information to his teacher, he nevertheless transgressed
the prohibition of “moreh halakha bi’fnei rabo” – issuing halakhic
rulings in one’s rabbi’s presence.
As a result of this offense, Elazar forfeited the privilege of being
consulted by Yehoshua. The Gemara
cites a verse from earlier in Sefer Bamidbar (27:21) in which God mentions that
Yehoshua, upon succeeding Moshe as the nation’s leader, would ask Elazar, the
kohen gadol, to consult the Urim
Ve-tumim. However, as the Gemara notes, nowhere
do we find Yehoshua submitting such inquiries.
The Gemara writes that Elazar lost this privilege when he brazenly taught
Torah in his uncle’s presence.
Rashi, commenting on this Gemara, writes that had Elazar not committed
this offense, Yehoshua would have consulted the Urim Ve-tumim
through
Elazar with regard to halakhic matters. As the Rashash noted, Rashi’s
comments clearly assume that the Urim Ve-tumim could be used as a
source of halakhic guidance. It thus
seems that Rashi, like Targum Yonatan, held that the Urim Ve-tumim
could, at least under certain circumstances, be consulted to resolve halakhic
queries. (The Rashash raises
the question of why such consultation did not violate the precept of “lo
va-shamayim hi.” He apparently
felt that this rule applied even in when a definitive conclusion could not be
reached through ordinary means.)
Another interesting source relevant to this topic is a brief comment of
Tosafot in Masekhet Gittin. The
context is the intriguing story told there in the Gemara of King Shelomo’s
search for the shamir, a worm that was capable of carving the stones that
were needed for building the Beit
Ha-mikdash. The Gemara relates that King
Shelomo did not know where he could find a
shamir, and his only recourse
was to consult demons. Tosafot
comment, “They did not want to consult the
Urim Ve-tumim when they could
consult somebody else.”
Interestingly, Tosafot assert that even for non-halakhic matters, the
Urim Ve-tumim was used sparingly. Even for
matters of national importance such as the
Beit Ha-mikdash, King Shelomo
was not prepared to consult the Urim Ve-tumim before exhausting
every other avenue of attaining his goals.
(And, as the Gemara proceeds to relate, obtaining the information
regarding the whereabouts of the
shamir proved to be quite a formidable task.)
He understood that he must take personal initiative and exert effort
before appealing for supernatural assistance.
Rather than taking the convenient route of immediately consulting the
Urim Ve-tumim, the nation’s leaders were to first exhaust every other means
of solving their problems and overcoming obstacles, and turn to the kohen
gadol’s oracle only as a last
resort.
Thursday
We read in Parashat Tetzaveh of the
me’il,
the robe worn by the
kohen gadol. Among the unique features of the
me’il is the
requirement to line the bottom of the robe with bells. The Torah ascribes great importance
to these bells, and writes, “His [the kohen gadol’s] sound will be heard
when he enters the Sanctum, before the Lord, and when he leaves, so that he does
not die” (28:35).
Why did the Torah require the kohen
gadol to wear bells, and why were they so significant?
Rav Yaakov Mecklenberg, in his
Ha-ketav
Ve-ha’kabbala,
draws an association between the bells of the
me’il
and
tzitzit. The obligation to affix fringes to
the corners of our garments is intended to provide a constant reminder of our
obligations to the Almighty: “You shall see it, and you shall [then] be mindful
of all the commandments of the Lord and perform them, and you will not go astray
after your heart and your soul that you would otherwise lust after” (Bamidbar
15:39). People have certain natural
tendencies that threaten to lead them away from Torah observance, and we are
therefore commanded to wear tzitzit as a constant reminder of our loyalty to
God’s laws. Rav Mecklenberg claims
that the kohen gadol, the nation’s most prominent religious
figure, needs an even stronger reminder of his obligations to God. The bells ring every time he moves,
and thus provide a more constant reminder that he is the servant of the
Almighty. While for the rest of us
it suffices to wear tzitzit,
the kohen gadol must wear bells so that his obligations to God will
always be at the forefront of his consciousness.
Others, however, suggested a different explanation of the symbolic
significance of the kohen gadol’s bells.
Anytime the kohen gadol moved or motioned with his body, even in
seclusion, he could be heard from a distance.
This might represent the fact that a leader’s every action makes a
“sound,” it reaches the people’s ears and has an impact. Even in the privacy of his home, a
religious leader must adhere the highest standards of piety, because everything
he does has a way of becoming public.
According to this approach, the bells serve as a constant reminder not of
the kohen gadol’s devotion to God, but rather of the far-reaching influence of his every
move. It reminds him to remain at
all times far above suspicion, to avoid even permissible behavior that might be
misconstrued or could otherwise bring dishonor to his position and to God.
And, by extension, the bells of the
me’il
remind all of us to carefully weigh and measure every move we make and every
word we speak, with the understanding that our actions and speech often have
far-reaching effects, producing “sounds” that could be “heard” even from a
distance.
Friday
The Torah in Parashat Tetzaveh introduces the
mitzva
of the
tamid, the daily
sacrifice that was offered on the altar each morning and afternoon. In concluding its discussion of this
korban, God says to Moshe that it is offered “at the entrance to the Tent
of Meeting, before the Lord, where I will convene with you and speak to you”
(29:42). The implication of this
verse is that God spoke to Moshe in the courtyard around the Mishkan (“at
the entrance to the Tent of Meeting”), near the mizbach ha-ola, the
outdoor altar upon which the tamid and other sacrifices were offered.
The Berayta De-mlekhet Ha-Mishkan (cited in Torah Sheleima)
actually cites different opinions on this subject. One view, attributed to a student of
Rabbi Yishmael, accepts the straightforward implication of this verse, that God
spoke to Moshe outside the Mishkan, near the
mizbach ha-ola. Others,
however, disagree, and claim that God convened with Moshe inside the Mishkan. Rabbi Natan held that God spoke to
Moshe at the site of the mizbach ha-ketoret (the incense altar inside the
Mishkan), whereas Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai maintained that this occurred
near the site of the mizbach ha-ketoret.
In any event, according to both Rabbi Natan and Rabbi Shimon, the
meetings took place inside the
Mishkan, as opposed to the view of Rabbi Yishmael’s student – and the implication
of this verse – that God spoke to Moshe outside the
Mishkan.
We might, at first glance, question this entire discussion on the basis
of an explicit verse in Parashat Teruma (25:22): “I shall meet with you there; I
shall speak with you from atop the
kaporet,
from in between the two
keruvim that are atop
the Ark of Testimony…” Here, the Torah writes explicitly that God spoke to Moshe
from the kodesh ha-kodashim, the inner sanctum of the
Mishkan, from atop the ark. In the aforementioned berayta,
however, the Tanna’im argue as to whether God spoke to Moshe
in the exterior chamber of the
Mishkan, at or near the incense
altar, or outside the Mishkan – without anyone raising the
possibility that this occurred inside the
kodesh ha-kodashim. Apparently, as noted by Rav Menachem
Kasher (Torah Sheleima to 29:42, note
146), the Tanna’im distinguished between the source of God’s
“voice,” so-to-speak, and the place where Moshe stood. The verse in Parashat Teruma tells
that when God spoke to Moshe the sound originated from atop the aron. The Tanna’im debate the
question of whether Moshe stood during these encounters inside the
Mishkan, or outside, by the
mizbach ha-ola, while agreeing that the sound he heard
originated from the ark in the
kodesh ha-kodashim.
Interestingly enough, the Ra’avad, in his commentary to
Torat
Kohanim
(Acharei Mot, 1), writes that Moshe stood inside the
kodesh
ha-kodashim
when he spoke with God – a view which does not appear to follow either opinion
recorded in the
Berayta De-melekhet Ha-Mishkan. (See also the two views cited by
Rashi in his commentary to his verse.)
In considering the different views on this subject, we might suggest that
they reflect a broader issue than the particular question of where Moshe stood
when he spoke to God. Possibly, the
Sages allude here to the question of how one encounters God – “outdoors” or
“indoors.” According to one view,
Moshe had to go inside the Mishkan – and possibly
even to the kodesh ha-kodashim – in order to meet with the Almighty. This might reflect the perspective
that encountering God requires a person to withdraw from the world, to retreat
from his earthly existence and enter the “sanctum,” secluding himself in pure
holiness, as symbolized by the Mishkan.
The other opinion, however, maintains that encountering God occurs
specifically outside the Mishkan, “at the entrance to the Tent of
Meeting,” at the point of intersection between the sacred and the mundane. According to this view, connecting
with the Almighty does not mean withdrawing from the world, but rather merging
the earthly and heavenly realms. It
specifically here, where the two intersect, where a person is able to hear God
speak and receive His commands.
Whereas the first view requires leaving the “ordinary” world and entering the
Sanctuary to connect with the Almighty, the second view maintains that this
encounter occurs outside the Sanctuary, through the application of the ideals it
represents to the mundane life lived outside its doors.
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