|
The Israel Koschitzky Virtual Beit
Midrash
Student Summaries of Sichot of the Roshei Yeshiva Yeshivat
Har Etzion
*********************************************************
Yeshivat Har Etzion invites you
to join us for its Annual Dinner
which will be held Tuesday, March
21st at the Grand Hyatt Hotel in NYC.
Rabbi Ari Berman - Rabbinic Tribute
Award
Dr. Mark and Brenda Gardenswartz -
Parents of the Year
Ilana Stein and Tova Warburg Sinensky
- first American alumnae of the Stella K. Abraham Beit Midrash for Women in
Migdal Oz,
Yeshivat Har Etzion Classes of 1985
and 1986
For more information contact the NY
office at etzion@att.net or call
1212-732-4784
*********************************************************
NEW BOOK BY RAV
SOLOVEITCHIK -
Festival of
Freedom: Essays on Pesah and the Haggadah 20% DISCOUNT TO VBM
SUBSCRIBERS
To order: http://www.vbm-torah.org/ravbooks.htm
*********************************************************
SICHA
OF HARAV AHARON LICHTENSTEIN SHLIT"A
On the Events at
Amona
Summarized by Shaul
Barth
Translated by Kaeren
Fish
A week ago, the Israeli government carried out the
demolition of some of the houses in the settlement outpost of Amona, an event
unfortunately accompanied by violence.
I was reminded of an episode that occurred in 1970, a year before I made
aliya. At Kent State, an enormous
crowd participated in stormy demonstration against the Vietnam War, a war that
was widely opposed among students.
Some members of the National Guard who were present apparently felt
threatened, lost their composure and opened fire on the student
demonstrators. Four people were
killed in this incident, which shocked the entire American nation. I was reminded of those days when I
wondered, last week, what would have happened if one of the youths at Amona had,
God forbid, been killed as a result of the police behavior. Aggression of the sort that we witnessed
is an expression of weakness, not strength – especially when it is carried out
by agents of the state, who are meant to maintain restraint and maximum
control.
On various occasions, I have mentioned the fact that the
prohibition against hitting appears in the Torah specifically in connection with
the agent of the court: "Forty lashes he may give him; he shall not exceed"
(Devarim 25:3). This seems
strange: after all, it is prohibited to strike any person, at any time. Why, then, is the prohibition mentioned
specifically as an issue pertaining to the agent of the beit din, who is
assigned to carry out a punishment ordered by the court?
The answer is that it is specifically when a person
enjoys a special status because of his position that there is a danger that his
inner aggressive streak - the wild animal that exists within each of us - will burst forth. It is specifically in a situation where
a person is performing his actions out of a sense of duty, when he feels that
his actions have official sanction, when he feels that he is representing a
system – it is precisely then that there is a need to emphasize the prohibition
against "excessive beating."
Indeed, it would appear that some of the aggressive feelings that the
Torah warns about did find expression on that black and bitter day at
Amona. Those actions represent a
stain on Israeli society, and this crisis should shake us
profoundly.
What took place is surprising because it is so different
from what happened during the summer.
During the Disengagement from Gaza, we witnessed how – regardless of
political affiliations – the process was carried out with understanding on the
part of both parties and a certain respect for each other, despite the distance
between them. Great efforts were
made not to be drawn into violence – neither on the part of the government nor
on the part of the leadership of the public that suffered and was expelled; the
latter generally restrained the public, both ideologically and practically. This time, that did not happen – on
either side.
The difference would seem to arise from the fact that
this time both parties believed that what was in jeopardy now was much more
significant than what had been at stake in the summer. Even those members of the government who
believed that the evacuation of Gush Katif was necessary and called-for,
understood that the inhabitants of those settlements went there with the purest
of motives and intentions, with governmental guidance and support, and were now
paying a heavy price because the circumstances had changed - and the attitude
towards them accordingly. The
inhabitants of Amona, in contrast, are viewed by the government as violators of
the law, engaged in patently illegal behavior, and the concern that this would
not be a one-time event but rather a phenomenon spreading over a whole chain of
hills triggered its action. On the
other hand, the public that opposed with force the demolition of the houses in
Amona did not act in the same way in the summer because Gush Katif was
considered relatively peripheral, both geographically and existentially, while
now we are confronting the evacuation of outposts located in the heart of the
Shomron.
Hence, at Amona both sides displayed determination, but
abandoned sensitivity in order to gain the upper hand. While the question of which side was in
fact victorious is an important one, it seems clear which side lost: the State
of Israel and its population as a whole.
Thus, the question that arises in light of what we saw is – God in
heaven, what are they waiting for? For deaths? Those who dispatch youths and
fire them up to the point where they endanger the lives of soldiers and police
by throwing cinderblocks at them – what are they waiting for? And those who send mounted police to
suppress those same youth – what are they waiting for? This problem is a
national one; even somone who is altogether cut off from one of the camps –
emotionally, politically, ideologically – must regard the actions of both sides
with concern.
Nevertheless, there can be no doubt that the Religious
Zionist public must view the situation with even greater concern, and rightly
so: partly because its institutions and constituency represent the principal
injured party in these events, and partly because the vision of the Greater Land
of Israel is one that this public holds especially dear. It would appear that it is specifically
because we feel so strongly about these issues that our camp and its leaders
bear an even greater and more significant responsibility – to consider their
actions and the consequences thereof, and to grapple with the issues.
Therefore, it pains us particularly to hear, from within
our camp, expressions that do nothing to heal the rift and schism, but rather
aggravate and amplify them.
According to the polls, we are currently witnessing the justified
disappearance of a party (Shinui) that garnered considerable support in the last
elections because its central message was one of hatred. Unfortunately, there are those among us,
too, who attract and draw people along using messages of hatred and
disengagement. Such trends express
not only an inability to understand what is going on from the other side's
perspective, but also an unwillingness to do so.
I make this point both with regard to those youth who
rove the hilltops and with regard to important rabbis who are certain that what
happened in Amona is a heavenly sign that the government means to break the back
of the Religious-Zionist camp. Woe
to us if we are not able to rise up, despite the difficult times, to gird
ourselves, to understand the historical responsibility that we bear – both young
and old – and to try to bring more insight to bear on our approach to the
problems facing us. The problems
exist and they will not go away. Along with the insight and restraint that
are required, we need to understand not only our own needs and our own wounds,
but also those of the other side.
Along with our questioning of the measure of force and power mobilized
against youngsters - and these are undoubtedly serious questions – we must ask
ourselves what thoughts and feelings motivated the people who dispatched those
youths, those who stoked the flames of violence against the police and the
state. These, too, are serious
questions. The same passion can be
destructive, God forbid, or it may be constructive and
valuable.
It was, as we have said, a black day, and heaven protect
us from any more days like that one.
At such times, what is required of all of us is soul-searching, the
drawing of conclusions and the learning of lessons. Today, more than ever, we need to bring
hearts closer – and we should start with the hearts of those in our own
camp. We must act and pray for
better days, when we shall be able to attain peace amongst ourselves; a true
peace, a peace of understanding, a peace born of the will and ability to promote
our own needs – along with an appreciation of the debate and of the needs of the
other side. The events at Amona
undoubtedly represented a stumble; let us act and pray that they not turn into a
downfall.
(This sicha was delivered on the 9th of
Shevat, 5766 – Feb. 7, 2006.) |